Ukrainians can want the nation to prevail against Russia while acknowledging that Zelensky must do a better job tolerating opposition and addressing corruption.
Ukrainians can want the nation to prevail against Russia while acknowledging that Zelensky must do a better job tolerating opposition and addressing corruption.
F ive years ago, on May 20, in his passionate inauguration speech, the newly elected Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky, proclaimed: “I can assure you that I’m ready to pay any price to stop the deaths of our heroes. . . . I’m ready to lose my fame, my ratings, and if need be — my position to bring peace.”
This May, Zelensky has found himself unable not only to bring peace to the nation but also to prevent a Russian offensive north of the Kharkiv region, where there were no minefields and the solid lines of defense were not fully completed. Enemy breakthroughs had to be stopped at improvised positions, at the price of the blood of many Ukrainian soldiers.
It remains uncertain whether Zelensky addressed this matter in his recent inauguration speech. For one thing, this inauguration, along with the presidential election, did not, in fact, occur. While I agree with the decision to delay the election, I am not fond of the manner in which Zelensky conveyed the decision to Ukraine and the rest of the world.
In his January interview on Britain’s Channel 4 News, Zelensky stated that the ongoing martial law in the country prevented him from conducting the election. A month later, his stance hardened further. During a press conference following the February forum “Ukraine 2024: Dimensions of Sustainability,” Zelensky stated that the opposition’s demands for a presidential election were part of a mental sabotage by the Kremlin; he labeled the demands “a traitorous stance in Ukraine.”
Subsequently, instead of confirming his legitimacy legally by obtaining clarification from the Constitutional Court, he allowed Ukraine’s minister of justice to address the question: In an interview with the BBC, the minister stated that the current moment was not suitable for seeking clarification from the court.
Did this solve the problem? No, it only fueled the ongoing narrative pushed by Russian propaganda. By refusing to confirm his legitimacy, President Zelensky left himself exposed and also put the nation he leads at risk.
It is absolutely obvious to me, as well as to any rational person, that conducting a fair, free, and representative presidential election is impossible in a country that has lost a fifth of its territory during a full-scale military invasion from Russian forces. No one, apart from those who are against Ukraine, objects to the fact that the upcoming election should be scheduled only once the war has ended and reliable voting systems are in place.
On the other hand, the absence of a clear verdict from the Constitutional Court leaves Zelensky with an Achilles’ heel. What’s worse is that the he also has a second Achilles’ heel, which exposes him as a lame, or at least limping, duck in the eyes of allies and foes: corruption.
Corruption can make even the most legitimate president look illegitimate. By surrounding himself with officials with a questionable past or an even more questionable present, Zelensky is destroying his own reputation along with international goodwill toward Ukraine. We still remember him as one of the bravest leaders in the world, who repeatedly demonstrated remarkable courage, remaining at his post in Kyiv during Russia’s invasion in 2022 and regularly visiting the front lines to boost the morale of soldiers.
But this picture is becoming overshadowed by an abundance of corruption scandals, which greatly dampen the morale of the country and undermine its determination to withstand and overcome Russia’s attacks.
Zelensky’s popularity has dropped from 90 percent in February 2023 to 60 percent this year, according to the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology. I’m not too worried about that, but I am greatly troubled by the fate of my country, which is currently enduring the most brutal conflict in Europe since World War II.
Ukraine has a number of trustworthy allies, led by the United States, which has recently committed a substantial $67 billion to our defense. Russia also has allies. But it is not only China and Iran that give Putin hope of victory. His main ally is hiding inside Ukraine: the corruption that plagued the country’s political system for a long time and that has thrived amid the ongoing war.
In 2019, Zelensky participated in the presidential election with a strong emphasis on anti-corruption slogans. His initial address as Ukraine’s president is accessible online. Looking there, anyone is able to read, plain as day:
My election proves that our citizens are tired of the experienced, pompous system politicians who over the 28 years, have created a country of opportunities — the opportunities to bribe, steal and pluck the resources.
We will build the country of other opportunities — the one where all are equal before the law and where all the rules are honest and transparent, the same for everyone. And for that, we need people in power who will serve the people.
Who are these people today who “serve the people” while simultaneously exerting control over mountains of dollars from American and European taxpayers? Andriy Yermak, who runs Zelensky’s wartime presidential office and has been dubbed by the Washington Post as “the most powerful chief of staff in the country’s history”? Yermak’s deputy, Oleh Tatarov, whose reputation for toxicity is widely recognized in Ukraine and who is still in his post despite all the efforts of anti-corruption authorities and investigative journalists? The deputy head of the presidential office, Rostyslav Shurma, repeatedly involved in corruption scandals? Dozens of other high-ranking officials and oligarchs who have their own fingers in the budget pie?
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken could well have asked these questions to Zelensky during his unexpected visit to Kyiv on May 14, 2024. He did not, but Blinken’s message was nonetheless perfectly clear: The Biden administration aims to enhance the military capabilities of Ukraine, but achieving this goal will require significant reforms to combat corruption in the country.
Blinken delivered a more direct speech the next day, addressing the students of the Kyiv Polytechnic Institute. In remarkably unequivocal words, departing from his typical diplomatic manner, he said: “Winning on the battlefield will prevent Ukraine from becoming part of Russia. Winning the war against corruption will keep Ukraine from becoming like Russia.”
I strongly doubt that Zelensky wants Ukraine to resemble Russia. However, it is troubling to witness the emergence of a domestic political climate in Ukraine in which individuals who criticize the government are labeled enemies of the nation. This trend reminds me of the totalitarian tactics employed during the era of the USSR.
I am not one of those who wants to go “back in the USSR.”
I want Zelensky to continue receiving standing ovations in the United States Congress. It would be wonderful to see him once again compared to the esteemed Winston Churchill and to see Ukraine lauded as a nation of heroes rather than lambasted as a den of embezzlers. I want Zelensky — my president — to make tangible progress in combating not only Russia but also corruption.
And I have one more wish. I would be happy if Volodymyr Zelensky could take a moment to reflect on his inaugural speech from five years ago and recall the words he spoke then.
All my life I tried to do all I could so that Ukrainians laughed. That was my mission. Now I will do all I can so that Ukrainians at least do not cry any more.
Great words. But what about deeds and actions to back them up?