There is every reason to believe that Ukraine can emerge from this war victorious, and with its democratic institutions stronger than ever.
There is every reason to believe that Ukraine can emerge from this war victorious, and with its democratic institutions stronger than ever.
I n recent weeks, the Ukrainian government has launched a new round of raids on high-profile public figures — including the powerful oligarch Igor Kolomoisky and a former interior minister. This comes on the heels of President Zelensky’s dismissal of high-ranking officials suspected of corruption, including in military procurement, and his announcement this week that the country’s defense minister would be replaced. Far from sweeping graft under the rug during a struggle for national survival, Zelensky’s administration has doubled down on holding senior leaders accountable — because corruption has been a driver of malign Kremlin influence in Ukraine, and combating it aggressively is part of the country’s fight for an independent, democratic future.
Predictably, these new developments were seized upon by Kremlin sympathizers as evidence that Ukrainians cannot be trusted with the billions of dollars in foreign military and humanitarian assistance required to expel Russian forces from their territory. Yet the fact that there was no attempt to downplay the sting operation or protect the officials suspected of complicity speaks to the progress that has been made in Ukraine. From the investigation that revealed these schemes to President Zelensky’s hard-nosed response, Ukraine has come a long way in its battle against endemic graft. Given the determination of its people to secure a European future, it has every reason to continue making progress in that fight.
The allegations currently under the spotlight were uncovered thanks to Ukraine’s robust free press, as well as an ongoing investigation by the country’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU), an independent body that is widely praised for its aggressive and uncompromising work. NABU is one of the numerous government entities created over the past decade — others include the Higher Anti-Corruption Court, Corruption Prevention Agency, Asset Recovery and Management Agency, and a Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office — to grapple with corruption.
To appreciate just how much progress Ukraine has made, it’s important to consider the uphill battle it faced after achieving independence in 1991. Creating accountable institutions was a slow and painful process for a country scarred by seven decades of Soviet control. It was made more challenging by the existence of an entrenched class of oligarchs who spread corruption across all levels of government and society in their efforts to gain political influence. The Kremlin relentlessly fueled and exploited these vulnerabilities to try and bring Kyiv back under proxy control.
Perhaps the most important factor in pushing back on Russia’s malign influence has been the desire of the Ukrainian people for a democratic, European future. After the 2014 Maidan Revolution, which ousted Kremlin puppet Viktor Yanukovych, dedicated Ukrainian officials and a uniquely vibrant civil society worked tirelessly — and often at great risk, given the Kremlin-backed interests at stake — to develop and implement some of the most ambitious anti-corruption reforms anywhere in the world.
Since 2015, Ukraine has passed no fewer than 127 legislative acts to address corruption. In terms of laws on the books, this has made it one of the most transparent countries in the world. It introduced the first publicly accessible beneficial-ownership register, required public officials to openly disclose their assets online, and created a radically transparent public-procurement system. On enforcement, too, there is a clear trend: Between 2019 and 2021, NABU issued 381 indictments on charges of high-level corruption, and 57 people were found guilty of corruption charges by the Higher Anti-Corruption Court.
No one, least of all Ukrainians, would claim that these initiatives have been implemented perfectly. Kremlin-backed proxies in the parliament and elsewhere were often able to thwart or reverse important progress. But the long-term impact is clear: Between 2013 and 2021, the number of Ukrainians who said they’d paid a bribe in the last year fell from 27 percent to 19 percent, and Ukraine’s score in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) improved markedly, from a 25 to a 32. More impressive still, in 2022 Ukraine was among the only countries worldwide to actually improve its CPI score — it earned a 33 — even as it fought to defend itself against Russia’s onslaught.
Russia’s war of aggression has only sharpened the determination of Ukraine’s government and citizens to stamp out systemic corruption. Polling shows that ridding the country of corruption is tied with restoring Ukraine’s territorial integrity as citizens’ top priority. Ukrainians know that the European future they seek can only be realized if they show their commitment to the rule of law, and they are not going to let the war undermine their progress. Moreover, they are acutely aware that the foreign military and humanitarian assistance on which Ukraine is relying could be withdrawn if allies have cause to question their country’s integrity.
In fact, one of the most underreported but astonishing examples of Ukrainian resilience is the continued operation of NABU and Ukraine’s other anti-corruption institutions amid the war. Their skills have certainly been put to work supporting the war effort — among other things, they’ve been tasked with tracing and seizing sanctioned Russian assets within Ukraine — but their day-to-day work of defending the rule of law also continues almost uninterrupted.
For example, in July 2022, the parliament established a special commission to monitor the receipt and use of international material and technical assistance during martial law — an important measure of transparency for the Western nations contributing to Ukraine’s defense. Even amidst an existential war, President Zelensky — who ran on an anti-corruption platform — has quietly prioritized the parallel struggle against Kremlin-backed corruption in order to strengthen the country’s prospects for future European integration.
The United States and Europe have already invested a great deal in Ukraine’s democratic journey, recognizing its potential as a Western economic and security ally. There is every reason to believe that Ukraine can emerge from this war victorious, and with its democratic institutions stronger than ever before. For this to happen, however, the Ukrainian government must continue to prioritize measures that improve transparency and accountability. International partners can play a critical role in this process by continuing to provide assistance, while ensuring that it is tied to verifiable progress.
As China grows increasingly belligerent toward Taiwan, critics of continued support for Ukraine should also remember that its conflict with Russia has wider implications. While a Ukrainian military victory would deal a crushing blow to Putin’s authoritarian kleptocracy, if Ukraine can continue to mature as a democracy that upholds the rule of law, it will also serve as a warning to all would-be authoritarian aggressors worldwide.