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Decermber 9, 2002, 8:40 a.m.
Are you a diverse person? On not succumbing to Sharpton. The new Vladimir Posner. Etc.

almost never begin with a letter, but you should get a load of this:

“I just returned from a speech given by the CEO of Frito-Lay Corporation. During the Q&A, a person rose to ask, ‘What is your company’s approach to hiring diverse people?’ The question was answered as follows: ‘We hire many diverse people. I am very proud of our record of hiring diverse people. Fifty percent of the people we hire are diverse.’ So, this word has acquired a new meaning: non-white.”

Great.



  

Yes, he said it, he really said it: “They have a destruction machine; we don’t.” That was Bill Clinton speaking of the Republican party.

For once, I’m really at a loss for words. So, see Kathleen Willey (was that her name?), Paula Jones, and about a million other people. You can also see Terry Lenzner, that other Clinton dick (meaning, private eye), with the Italian name (can’t think of it offhand), Sidney Blumenthal, and many, many more.

I’ve never had much use for John Glenn, thinking that he was one of the most overrated people in American life, and especially thinking that he doubly disgraced himself at the end of his career by acting as a blocker for Clinton on the Senate committee charged with looking into illegal Asian fundraising.

But Glenn said something really amusing and refreshing the other day. Pronouncing on John Kerry’s newly formed presidential exploratory committee, he said, “My personal belief is that he’s pretty well explored that. I don’t know why he needs a committee.”

One of the problems with Al Sharpton is that he’s amusing. Personable. Kind of cute, actually. And his actions over the years have been despicable: not only slanderous and defamatory, not only divisive and inflammatory, but, arguably, inciting of murder.

So, I make it a point never to be around him: never to interview him, never to be at an event in which he participates, etc. I know of one journalist, prominent in New York, who says, “I will have no social interaction with him. I don’t want to be in a TV green room with him. Don’t want to shake his hand. Don’t want to have to pretend that he’s a normal, acceptable human being, who hasn’t done his best to make life worse for many, many people.”

Problem is, the guy is amusing, which is one of the reasons he’s dangerous, seductive. Last week, he disputed the idea that Bill Clinton was the “first black president.” He was too moderate for that, implied Sharpton. “He was the first beige president. If I run, I will be the first black president.”

See, there I go, quoting him — breaking my rule. Succumbing, a little bit, to that which should not be succumbed to.

(For a comprehensive look at Sharpton, you may like to go here.)

Several people have asked me about my little piece for the New York Post re the New York Times and its crusade against Augusta National Golf Club: What did I mean, that the Times was rather like the government?

Well, it’s like the government, or General Motors, or U.S. Steel (in former days), or your mother or something: They have to let you in. They have to be nice to you. They’re too big not to. The Times has a special responsibility to report very carefully, to include all views, and not to go off on nutty crusades, such as the one it’s presently embarked on (and I’m not talking about the effort to undermine Bush’s war policy). If the Times is going to be the nation’s paper, it must keep the nation in mind. It must leave — to borrow annoying Bushian language — “no child behind.”

I mean, if they want to go nuts — that’s what the editorial page is for. And aren’t they embarrassed at having about the most undiverse op-ed page in world history? Geez, National Review looks like a free-for-all by comparison.

Sometimes people say to me, “Oh, Jay, the New York Times is no big deal. You just harp on it because you live there and run in those circles. Here in Green Bay [or wherever], no one reads the New York Times. Will you get off it?”

But such thinking is completely wrong. It is ill informed. Even if no one in Green Bay reads the New York Times . . . it influences terrifically what everyone in Green Bay does read, or watches on television. If you want to take it a step further, the Times even gets into the movies, into popular music, into the schools — everywhere. Because all the media take their cues from the Times. Every journalist borrows from it, relies on it, holds it up as a standard. Every editor keeps an eye on it, adhering to it, more or less: He doesn’t want to get too far ahead of it, and he doesn’t want to lag too far behind it. The television people often set their agendas to it.

Etc.

You may think you’re New York Times-free: but don’t kid yourself. If you are not directly influenced by this great and absurdly important paper, you’re influenced by people who are. Believe me.

The Times must be big enough to accept, say, Andrew Sullivan’s criticisms and still let the guy in. It’s very encouraging that the Times’s leadership is losing the confidence of “the building,” which is to say, the mass of employees who work there. Brent Bozell and I can yell all we want. Doesn’t make a bit of difference. But when Timesmen and other liberals begin to be embarrassed . . . we may get somewhere.

I want to say a quick something more about the conservative-press controversy — about the complaints of Daschle, Gore, and some others that we righties have just become too powerful where we don’t belong.

“The media’s kind of weird these days,” says Al Gore. Nice, huh? All he meant, of course, was that there are a few more conservative voices getting through, depriving liberals of the monopoly, or near-monopoly, they’ve always enjoyed. If you’re a conservative, it’s hard to get too choked up about left-wing charges of right-wing media bias.

The former vice president even called Fox News, Drudge, the Washington Times, and some others a “fifth column” — that’s extremely telling. Traitorous. Dangerous. The beast within. This is the kind of thinking — more like paranoia — that results from the loss of monopoly, or the threatened loss. Outsiders have now made a dent in the media monopoly; its longtime beneficiaries think that the order of nature has been overturned, that a cosmic injustice has been done.

And I know you heard Daschle on Rush (that is, about Rush — I’m not sure the senator would have the cojones or confidence to speak with Rush, on his show). It is the tactic of Daschle and suchlike to paint Limbaugh and his fans as “extremists.” Surely everyone knows that conservatives are, to begin with, racist. And radio is the home of right-wing racism and militaristic fever. Liberals have long been frustrated at the failure of left-wing radio to catch on: Mario Cuomo flopped; Jim Hightower, the twangin’ Bolshevik from Texas, was supposed to be a superstar, but he faded fast.

Perhaps conservative talk radio does well because it is alternative media, and why should liberals need Rushes of their own when, courtesy the taxpayers, they have NPR?

Then there’s the huffing about Fox. This network has been a bee in the Democrats’ bonnets for years now. Fox is leading — no, crushing — all cable competitors in the ratings. And it is damned by liberals as having a heavy right-wing bias.

Now, we can debate this until the cows come home. And I guess that Fox has a conservative — or, maybe more precisely, non-liberal — undertone. But the fact is that this unusual network must look positively Neanderthal to liberals, accustomed as they are to television that is dominantly liberal. When Peter Jennings and West Wing are your world, Brit Hume must seem revolutionary (or reactionary). National Review must seem like Martian talk.

As we’ve discussed in this column before, there are those at the University of Chicago, Claremont-McKenna, and other allegedly conservative schools who say, “It’s not that these places are conservative: The Left is still the majority, trust us. It’s that conservatives constitute more than a token minority, making the campus look right-wing, in comparison with others.”

This likely applies to the media. And remember something that applies to many departments of life: If you “own” 90 percent of something, or if you get your way on 90 percent of matters — the 10 percent looms awfully large. Simply because it is so different. Sometimes even mocking and annoying.

That new Saudi spokesman, and spinmeister, Adel al-Jubeir? He’s Vladimir Posner all over again. Remember him? Koppel loved him. Had him on constantly. Phil Donahue almost married him. But al-Jubeir won’t get the same respect (thank goodness), because he doesn’t represent a giant Communist state with nuclear weapons but a lousy little desert monarchy.

I am writing this next one — these next two, actually — on Friday, in advance of the Louisiana Senate election. I trust that these points are still valid on Monday, when the column appears! (Either way, I ain’t gonna fiddle.)

Bill Clinton seems to be mighty unpopular in Huey Long’s state. How do I judge this — on the fact that the Democratic candidate hasn’t asked him to come down and campaign for her? No: on the fact that, in its radio ads, the GOP is using a Clinton vocal impersonator, who is heaping praise on the Democratic nominee.

Now that’s insulting — the sort of thing a Democrat could’ve done (probably did) with Nixon.

And the national Republicans have hit on what they think is a marvy tactic: They’re having President Bush say, in statements for the Republican nominee, “It makes sense to have one [senator] in one party and a senator in the majority party, if you want to get something done.” This is a message tailored precisely for Louisiana, where the non-Mary Landrieu senator is the Democrat John Breaux, and where no Republican was elected to the Senate in the 20th century.

But mark my words: This statement, made repeatedly, will come back to bite Bush and the Republicans. How about when Bush shows up to campaign for some Republican in a state whose other senator is also a Republican? The Democrats will just run a tape of Bush saying, “It makes sense . . . if you want to get something done.”

Or maybe it’ll go unnoticed. Who knows?

Dick Armey and I think alike, which makes me feel good (but which may make Armey think twice). You recall how I was praising the Democrats’ selection of Nancy Pelosi, saying that she was the perfect representative of that party? Someone asked Armey whether Pelosi was “too liberal.” He answered, “Too liberal for whom? My theory is that a party leader must embrace the central, core values of the party. I believe Nancy does that for the Democrats. Why did Nancy walk away with that [minority-leader] election? Because a clear majority of the Democratic party is liberal.”

Of course.

Ed Koch, the former mayor of New York — and about the most delightful and knowledgeable and interesting politician around — has made his New Year’s resolutions. Wanna hear a few of them?

“I will avoid France as a place to vacation. France leads those countries in the Security Council that are the enemies of Israel. [Same goes for Mexico — says Koch.]

“I will not support National Public Radio in any way. NPR’s reporters and management delight in unfairly attacking Israel.

“I will not watch ABC’s World News Tonight anchored by Peter Jennings. For many years, Jennings has specialized in vicious and unfair portrayals of Israel intended to injure the Jewish state and lionize Palestinians. Also, the BBC News is horrifically anti-Israel, and I will shun it completely.

“Susan Sontag will occupy the Ninth Circle of Hell for her outrageous assaults on Israel. I will no longer read her works.”

How you like them apples?

Edward L. Beach died, and his book Run Silent, Run Deep (about submarines) carries one of the greatest titles ever conceived. (Please note that this is not — repeat, not — an invitation to share favorite titles. Maybe later — next decade, after we’re exhausted with Great First Lines.) (The final Great First Lines column will run sometime this week.)

Remember my insight/complaint that the press describes every good-looking politician as “telegenic,” the euphemism of choice? It’s impermissible to call anyone beautiful or attractive or good-looking — to point out the sheer biological luck such a person enjoys. So, to get around that — and still make the point — we have to say “telegenic.” (Jennifer Granholm, the new governor of Michigan, is described incessantly as “telegenic.” People are scared to say that this tiresome Clintonite is beautiful, which she is.)

Well, I noted that a New York Times article (an excellent one) on the new mayor of Athens, Dora Bakoyanni, described her as “able, forceful, and photogenic.” Of course!

(Photogenic/telegenic: same diff.)

A little (more) language: In a recent Impromptus, I discoursed on the usefulness of “y’all,” to satisfy English’s need for a you-plural. (We also have “youse” and, in my beloved Ohio Valley, “you-uns,” or “y’unz.”)

Many, many people — most from Texas, or the Confederate South — wrote me to say that “y’all” is singular: If you want plural, it’s “all y’all.” And the plural possessive is, “all y’all’s,” as in, “Is that all y’all’s new truck?”

Ah, English (especially American English): The greatest language ever formed, I feel.

Finally, I rather liked this letter from a reader in Detroit (or DEE-troit, as some of us locals pronounced it). He was writing (unnecessarily, I might add) to thank me for including a line from him in my column:

“It’s odd. Twenty-five years ago I wouldn’t have opened up your right-wing trash magazine, except for the cultural coverage. And I certainly would have been embarrassed to have anyone know that I read it at all, or to have my name associated with it.

“Now I’m thrilled that you cited my suggestion for the greatest opening line ever (the first line of the Official Rules of Baseball), and I’m just disappointed that my name wasn’t mentioned. [Oops, there I go again!]

“So a quarter of a century ago your magazine was just reactionary junk and now I like a great deal of it. The conclusion is obvious: National Review has learned a lot during that time.”

Indeed!

Misunderestimated

Bill Sammon paints a riveting portrait of President Bush as he broadens the war on terror overseas.

Buy it through NR

 
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