For reasons that have never been publicly and coherently explained, much of the Muslim world and almost all the Arabs have taken the position that the setting up of Israel on what the Arabs consider to be their land (though they have never in 3,000 years actually governed it) is a straw that breaks the camel’s back and is completely intolerable. It is the culmination of 13 centuries of retreat since Charles Martel sent the Arabs packing from France after the battle of Tours in 732. This is not rational and Israel has been an immense success, is a nuclear power, and will not be dislodged. The mystery is why the Palestinians, having clawed their way back to half a loaf, which the Israelis were certainly not prepared to concede for the first 30 years of their national existence, consent to go on being cannon fodder in this absurd and impossible struggle, which enables the Arab powers to invoke it constantly as a goad and psychological displacement to distract the Arab masses from the misrule almost all their leaders inflict on them. It is difficult not to conclude that the motive for the Palestinian leaders, first the unspeakable Yasser Arafat and now Mahmoud Abbas, in ensuring that there is no progress in the misnamed peace process is that if there were peace, they would cease to be the co-stars with the leaders of Israel in the world’s greatest political crisis, and would become mere chiefs in one of the world’s dustier and more obscure little countries.
President Obama’s recognition that the settlement issue has been used as a pretext for not doing anything by the Palestinians and other Muslims, as well as their witless dupes in Europe and the underdeveloped countries, is a great breakthrough that comes at the same time as other seismic shifts in the region. On March 31, Israel began pumping natural gas from the offshore Tamar gas field that will save the country about $3 billion in energy imports this year. As Turkey continues its 180-degree turn from being an ally of Israel and critic of its former Arab subjects to a champion of the endless Arab grievances against Israel, Israel has opened closer relations with Greece and is assisting that country in developing its own gas reserves in the Aegean, and cooperating in building a natural-gas pipeline to Cyprus and on to Greece. This has provoked a great deal of blustering in Turkey and threats against Cyprus, which in turn has elicited a very purposeful stance from the Russians, against Turkey.
The flight of hundreds of thousands of refugees from Syria to Jordan has put that country and the Hashemite dynasty at the head of it under great pressure. It is now difficult to be confident about whether existing national boundaries in Iraq, Jordan, and Syria will continue unaltered, or whether a Palestinian entity will be carved as much from Jordan as from the area of, and occupied by, Israel; whether there will be a breakup between the Kurdish, Sunni, and Shiite sections of Iraq; and what sort of regime will emerge in Syria. The antics of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt are unlikely to gain mass popularity and, as predicted here and elsewhere, the Brotherhood is showing no aptitude at all for intelligent economic management. The positive side of that part of the Arab Spring is that when the Islamist party is thoroughly demystified, it will either be democratically rejected in favor of something better, since there are no worse options left, or will be thrown out by the army, who may not be brilliant managers but at least will stop playing footsie with the Iranians. The destabilization of Iraq, if it goes much further, will cause Turkey to become even more preoccupied with Kurdish nationalism, as it will then have a Kurdish oil state on its borders, and whatever influence Iran gains over Shiite Iraq will be at least partly compensated for by a loss of influence over Sunni, post-Assad Syria, which will presumably be less available as a conduit to Hezbollah terrorism directed against Israel.
No one, not even Iran, nuclear-armed or not, wants a real war with Israel, and the shambles of the Arab Spring will make it more difficult than it has been for the Arab powers to maintain the focus on what has essentially become the phony issue of Palestine, as Israel will be more than happy to give it statehood if the Palestinians stop their violent provocations and their denial of Israel’s sovereignty. I doubt that the Palestinians, or their Arab cousins, will be willing much longer to endure severe hardship and sacrifice to dispute Israel’s well-earned status as a legitimate, successful, predominantly Jewish country.
President Obama came into office with naïve and rather anti-Israeli preconceptions, and confessed after a couple of years that he had had no idea how difficult Mideast peace would be to achieve. His Turko-Israeli mediation was not really much of a resolution, since Turkey, in its present addiction to pan-Islamic posturing, is in no mood for a resolution. But there are hopeful signs that the president’s position may be firming up on the Iranian nuclear issue, if only because it affronts his totemistic preoccupation with arms control. He had a good visit to the region, and his stance on the Middle East and its many problems has shown what our elementary-school teachers used to call “steady progress.”